Gendered analysis of development induced displacement in the Global South: A systematic review

ABSTRACT


INTRODUCTION
Displacement has increasingly become a global phenomenon since the advent of globalization (Dukhan, 2014). Despite the fact that development in the developing world is frequently seen as a necessary step towards modernization and economic growth, it more often results in a social problem that affects various levels of human organization, ranging from the individual to the household, tribal to village communities, and rural to urban areas (Sikka, 2020). Development initiatives are causing a significant exodus of people from their homes, outpacing other factors like conflict and climate change (Braun, 2005;Kabra & Mahalwal, 2014;Otsuki, 2019). Every year, nearly 15 million people are forced to leave their previous residence because of development projects (Terminski, 2012). According to more recent estimates, development-related migration and resettlement affect between 250 and 420 million people globally (Terminski, 2015).
The majority of development initiatives in developing nations still have a detrimental social impact on the populace. People are frequently forcibly removed from their homes as part of these projects, which poses serious economic, social, and environmental issues for those who are relocated. According to Fernandes (2007) and Fonjong and Gyapong (2021), women typically suffer the most from these problems. Despite the fact that displacement caused by development projects and its effects on the social, cultural, and economic lives of those impacted are hot topics in today's world, there is a lack of scientific data on the subject from the perspective of gender. Both by law and by custom, women have historically been barred from owning or inheriting property. Because one's right to compensation is typically determined by one's "ownership" of the land, women who do not own their land are more vulnerable, dependent, and likely to be excluded from decision-making during displacement. Also closely related to land are concerns about loss of livelihood. Women who have been uprooted frequently need to carry more burdens (Agarwal, 2014).
However, contradictory results are produced by empirical research on the effects of development induced displacement (DID) on women. On one hand, DID is viewed as a promising opportunity with a lot of potential to boost both men and women's income and employment. There are many academics who still believe that large-scale development programs can offer men and women transformative opportunities by introducing new employment and income-generating opportunities, new technology, and new services (Behrman et al., 2012). However, handful of other research vehemently asserts that the gendered effects of DIDs are much worse (RSC, 2002;Terminski, 2013b;Wang et al., 2020). In this portion of literature, many of the gendered effects of dispossession caused by the extensive infrastructure and projects of state-led development have been identified as negative. However, the majority of the information on how DID affects men and women who are displaced in the Global South is case-based. These studies frequently focus on a single project case or a small geographic area and are mostly based on cross-sectional observational data from a case study area.
Regardless of differences in project types, resettlement plans, national policies, and institutional environments, previous research suggested that there is a significant amount of deviation in the empirical evidence regarding the gendered effects of DIDs (Sivramkrishna & Jyotishi, 2008;von Hagen & Alvarez, 2011). It is, therefore, significant to conduct a systematic evaluation of these studies because it enables researchers, policy makers, and actors to make some overarching conclusions about the intended and unexpected effects of DIDs on both men and women. In this review, generalizable and context-specific findings, commonalities and variances, and systematic evaluations of the evidence for lessons learned that may improve current and future state-led development projects are synthesized from the body of literature. Additionally, it provides an opportunity to identify knowledge gaps that may direct future research on the topic.

TOWARDS FEMINIST ONTOLOGY
The study of gender has undergone significant changes over time despite being a longstanding component of more general DIDs scholarship. Emami and Olson (2003, p. 19) noted that simply "adding women and stirring" will not help people understand how gender and DIDs interact. "Engendering" (Scott, 1988, p. 71) is the process of considering gender as a relational, analytical, and ideological process that establishes what it means to be a woman or a man, a female or a male, and a feminine or a masculine in a specific society. To effectively mediate the dynamics of power and inequality, one must have a keen understanding of how gender interacts with other identity categories such as age, sex, marital status, and others. Feminist studies, as Scott (1988) points out, are more about exposing the "quiet and covert operations of gender that are nonetheless present and defining factors in the construction of most societies" (ibid.) than they are about highlighting the significant role and accomplishments of women. In order to better situate gender in DIDs literature, we go into greater detail on the notion of "social reproduction," which is the cornerstone of the feminist ontology in many fields.
The term "social reproduction" refers to the "actions and attitudes, behaviors and emotions, duties and relationships intimately involved in the sustaining of life on a daily basis, and throughout generations" (Laslett & Brenner, 1989). According to Picchio (1992, p. 20), social reproduction is what allows "people to feel like human beings in a society that treats them like commodities." The "fleshy, untidy, and ambiguous substance of everyday life," as described by Katz (2001), is what it is. Because it differs from the typical Marxist understanding of "reproduction" (Jonna & Foster, 2016), the authors of this paper favor Brigitte Chung's (2017) position in developing the concept of social reproduction. In this context, social reproduction is referred to as a collection of numerous labor processes that are vital to human life's survival and adaptability. These processes can be formal or informal, material or symbolic, individual or collective, and private or public. For example, most rural communities in the developing world use their land for more than just growing crops and raising livestock. They use it to grow grasses for thatching and weaving, meadows for grazing cattle, and rivers, ponds, and dams for obtaining water, catching fish, and gathering clay and sand. They also use it to plant forests and other tree resources that they rely on by collecting fuel wood, lumber, and medicinal plants. In such agrarian cultures, "productive" and "reproductive" activities, or "public" and "private," spheres, are typically distinguished.
It's crucial to remember that women and girls complete labor-intensive tasks required for rural social reproduction. Repetitive performance of gendered labor activities on a daily and generational basis has effect of reifying dominant identities of women as mothers, housewives, professionals, and agricultural laborers. Historical legacy of slavery and servitude as well as the most closely generated and reproduced patriarchal standards within households are real sources of this patriarchal normative construction of womanhood (Pattnaik, 2013;Sikka & Mathur, 2018).
In conclusion, from an analytical standpoint, the social reproduction theory is significant because it clarifies the gendered effects of DID. First, it helps us realize that women experience greater suffering than men when a family or community suffers the loss of environmental resources and their previous means of subsistence due to DID. As many do agree, gap in gender sensitivity and inclusion in DID programs from the initial planning process of resettlement results in frequent ignorance of women's rights to fields, family property, and common property resources during expropriations (Asthana, 2012;Perera, 2011). DID has resulted in the exclusion of an increasing number of women from the process of development, their stagnation and increasing misery, their increased vulnerability, and occasionally even a decline in prospects and status. This is due to the fact that women in both urban and rural areas are prohibited from possessing, inheriting, managing, or having access to power and property rights by law or custom. This calls to reevaluate the gender dynamics in households as well as livelihood trajectories manifesting during relocation due to development projects. In keeping with these earlier theoretical concepts, the remainder of the essay builds on the review findings to address the specific circumstances of countries and development projects in the Global South.

METHODOLOGY
A systematic search and review of the peer-reviewed literature on nexus between gender and development-induced displacement in the Global South including Africa, Latin America, Asia, and along with China and India, was carried out in order to understand the current and emerging theoretical and practical conclusions based on evidence. The geographical scope of the review was determined by the empirical finding that, over the past 20 years, the majority of communities have relocated in the nations of the region as a result of development initiatives (Sahoo & Mishra, 2016). For instance, in the sixty years since Independence, sixty million people have been uprooted in India alone as a result of development projects (Fernandes, 2008). The vast majority of nations in the Global South also experienced growth and development along similar trends and economic models. As they move to economic models that prioritize growth through private investment, states have increasingly used their coercive powers to compel farmers to sell their land to business entities. According to Levien (2015Levien ( , 2017, state-backed dispossession has primarily been used in China and India in recent years to advance public infrastructure, private businesses, real estate, and mining. In many areas of Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia, governments have been transferring vast swaths of land to international finance and agribusiness capital for crop and biofuel plantations (Bartolome et al., 2000;Vijayabaskar & Menon, 2018). Accordingly, the majority of development-induced displacement in the Global South were caused by public sector infrastructure, industry, and extraction (Terminski, 2013b).
This study makes the most of the checklist offered by the preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and metaanalysis for protocols 2015 in order to reduce bias in the identification, selection, synthesis, and summary of literature (Moher et al., 2015). Besides, systematic reviews are typically more thorough than other review techniques (Grant & Booth, 2009). During this evaluation process, academic literature was searched from June to July 2022 using Scopus.com datasets and provisional key phrases. In this search, the Mendeley Desktop 1.19. 8 App was used to adjust the search strategy.
There are some limitations on using Scopus.com and English-language literature only. In particular, it represents only a small part of the literature, because it includes Scopusindexed academic publications and reports from financial and project management organizations. Because the Scopus database is searched by year of publication, English-language peer-reviewed articles focusing on the nexus between developmental exclusion and gender injustice in the Global South spanned only 1998. The words "gender," "development," "displacement," "resettlement ", "Africa", "Asia", and "Latin America" were used in separate search lines separated by the word "and". All lines are combined under the heading "all fields" to maintain a wide search area. Inclusion criteria and data sources for this search included all peerreviewed English-language publications on development projects and gender interface in the Global South, and time periods up to and including June 2022.
To keep the scope manageable, narrow search criteria, including keywords related to geographic coverage, language, and publication dates, increases the risk of missing some publications. In addition, it is recommended to complete this work with further research focusing on the literary landscape, since the literature on the subject is large and the geographical coverage of the subject is wide. For example, large international-type development projects and initiatives reached the countries of the "Global South" at different times for different macro-political and external reasons. Women and social policy restructuring in the 1990s (Laurell, 2000), the beginning and end of the millennium development goals (Valencia et al., 2019), and the food and financial crisis of 2008, which made foreign investors look for large-scale investment Opportunities and land expropriation in the Global South, especially in Africa (Moyo et al., 2019), are cases worth mentioning. Therefore, it is recommended to continue contextual and in-depth research on how such large-scale expropriation of land for development projects may have caused gender inequality in different regions.
Based on the key terms and time limit search parameters, a total of 98 relevant publications that were released between 1998 and 2022 were located and examined. According to the publication categories, the types of materials that are included are listed in Table 1. Each article was downloaded, shared, and then safely kept in a OneDrive folder. A large number of articles (92 in total) were disregarded during the first stage of the screening process for the scan of abstracts because some of them (27/92) did not focus on the effects of developmentinduced displacement and related human impoverishments from gender perspectives; others (32/92) were "false positives" that described only the positive effects of development projects on the displaced communities; and still others (33/92) targeted "household" as their primary unit of analysis. The systematic search and review process that was conducted is summarized in Figure 1.
All 98 articles were evaluated using qualitative and thematic classification, quantitative aggregation, and qualitative analysis techniques. Numerous aggregates were created for quantitative synthesis of papers, including year of publication, region, study design, case investigated, and type of development project. Several themes emerged from collection of articles and book chapters, and they served as the guide for the qualitative analysis. A multistage, theoretically based, and iterative analysis method was used for the qualitative review. The major questions guiding the qualitative review include: "How DID affects women differently?". "How are women's skills, experiences, labor roles, assets for a living, rights to properties and resources, and access to other services being denied as a result of development-induced displacement?" and "How far do these studies go beyond a simple analysis of 'woman' and 'man' as individual categories to consider social relationships of women and men?" After careful reading, each summary of the article or book chapter was categorized according to the research/development project topic, based on the main case study topic. Articles were summarized according to these topics and possibly divided into any number of categories. These categories were initially selected based on abstract reviews and then expanded as more extensive reading, commenting, and summarization took place. After collating all of these articles (and creating a 62-page Excel document), list of categories under various sub-topics were grouped and a few key articles were selected ( Table 1).

Literature's Landscape
The distribution of works from 1998 to 2022 was determined using a collaborative literature analysis. This result indicates a significant increase in research investigating the nexus between gender and DIDs in the Global South. The rich available evidence, however, is not always equally accessible to everyone, including those working in academic and research institutions who may not have access to the literature due to high journal subscription fees. Only a few (4.1%, four out of 98) relevant publications are available as open access publications in the Scopus.com database.
Another notable finding is that this data collection highlights research differences across continents. Accessibility, demographics, languages, and relationships as important factors describing the places, where research took place are some of the trends found in research geographies.
The most populous countries missing were Egypt, Algeria, and Morocco in Africa; China from Asia; and Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia from Latin America. This exclusion could be attributed primarily to language, as 'English' was used as a keyword in search engines. These are French, Arabic, Chinese, and Portuguese dominated nations in their scholarly writing. Along with "linguistic issues", this can also be explained by other limitations of this study (for example, the search focuses on the general names of the continents "Africa", where North African countries may not use it as a keyword as often). In fact, the findings of this data set go in line with the trends identified in previous studies (Cochrane & Thornton, 2018).
One of the main focuses of this review was to assess whether studies were subject to methodological bias. Crosssectional investigations, qualitative approaches (interviews, focus groups, interviews with key informants), reviews, and topical analyzes were all prominent in the literature, although case studies were the most commonly used technique ( Table  2). Thus, no significant methodological biases were found in the development of the reviewed literature. The bulk of research, however, were case studies at the local project level (23.5%), followed by qualitative rural evaluations, reviews, and mixed methodology studies, with respective percentages of 18.4%, 16.3%, and 13.3% of the total relevant literature. Studies concentrating on scales like the global, continental, regional, and national levels received less attention 1%, 2.3%, 9%, and 11%, respectively.

Causes of 'Development' Evictions: Thematic Analysis
The next section provides an overview of the literature on mega-development initiatives that put pressure on and impoverish people, with a special focus on women in the Global South. Due to the lack of a specific project case on which to focus studies or book sections, the categories with a limited amount of literature were combined under various themes based on the thematic analysis. Although the number and classification of the most important causes of development-induced displacement mentioned in the literature varies, this classification is based on the subjects that have been researched, published in the data set, and are relevant to the current agenda.

Dams and hydropower plants
The primary cause of "development" displacement is due to dams (Bisht, 2009). The construction of dams has resulted in the forced relocation of more than 100,000 people in the Global South, as demonstrated by Terminski (2013aTerminski ( , 2013b.  This study looked at the gendered structures and processes of dam-induced displacement and resettlement on the original communities, as well as how displaced women actually experience the dangers of post-displacement. According to all the relevant information we looked at, dam displacement changed the gender roles in the area, especially those of women. Household and communal resources, compensation schemes, and restoration procedures all served to highlight this transformation. The reality of power is said to have had a major impact on the outcomes of gender and socioeconomic inequality, allowing men to reimagine their masculinities in order to maintain stereotypes of male dominance and female subservience. India leads the way among the countries, where this phenomenon manifests itself to a significant degree. 52% of all studies on gender and DIDs in the developing world examined the risks associated with large dam projects, including risks during and after resettlement, and the practices that men and women encounter as a result. Our systematic review revealed this to be one of the main categories. A small body of research (Mehta, 2009;Sikka, 2018Sikka, , 2020Sikka & Carol, 2021) has been done to identify gender differences in resilience.

Mining and transportation of resources
The results of a review show that about 10.3% of all evictions are connected to modifications in the mining sector (Terminski, 2012). India, China, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and the Philippines were the Asian countries with the largest scales of mining-and transportation-induced displacement (Terminski, 2012). The African countries with the fastest growth rates for this phenomenon include Mali, Namibia, Botswana, Republic of South Africa, and Zimbabwe (Ahmad & Lahiri-Dutt, 2014). Additionally, there are several mining projects underway, such as the Dikulushi copper and silver mine in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Murowa diamond mine in Zimbabwe, the Tarkwa  It is still uncommon for the literature to address the impact of mining on the dynamics of displacements. There were only four articles, or 4.2% of the entire sample, that were primarily about mining. It is advisable to conduct more research on the ways that mining-induced displacement degrades the status of women in developing nations. The effects of mining-induced displacements are not significantly different from those of other development-induced displacement categories, such as displacement caused by oil, displacement caused by dams, or displacement caused by conservation.

Urbanization
The term "urbanization" covers a wide range of initiatives, including urban infrastructure, re-urbanization, and other transformations of urban spaces, such as the expansion of urban areas, the demolition of impoverished areas like favelas and slums, and urban transportation, underground, and water supply projects. Displacement brought on by development has been a problem since the dawn of time, but colonialism made it a much bigger problem, and planned development after independence only made it worse. Globalization has increased the risk to the land that vast majority of rural people depend on. In order to create more alluring cities, it should also include more urban evictions (Fernandes, 2001(Fernandes, , 2007. 30 publications, or about 30.6% of the total sample, were branded with this analytical topic. 20 of 30 publications are primarily qualitative, while the remaining ten are survey studies that employ a range of methodologies. The majority of papers use "sex" as an analysis variable, while only 15 papers make gender dimensions a significant part of their study. Meharie, for instance, focused on Yeka-Tefo sub-city real estate development projects in Addis Abeba, Ethiopia, to examine how evicted women were impacted by land alienation and how their coping and adapting methods affected social interactions and traditional institutions in the community (Meharie, 2009). Women must turn to the informal economy as a means of survival. More importantly, a different study done in India (Almira & van Eerd, 2021) provides evidence of how urban slum redevelopment initiatives put women at risk for vulnerability and poverty.
It was discovered that urban infrastructure development projects that push the urban poor, especially women, frequently select relocation sites on the outskirts of the city, where women experience greater livelihood insecurity. A study from Turkey that demonstrates how slum/squatter redevelopment programs have gendered effects on eviction and the changing nature of women's poverty is another excellent illustration (Borsuk, 2021).

Large-scale farming
The effects of commercial agriculture for men and women frequently vary in rural areas, where gender disparities are pervasive. Due to the local food supply being insufficient, more food must now be imported, which raises food prices and worsens childhood undernourishment. 'Gender blindness' and a lack of gender-sensitive analysis of the effects of large land deals on land ownership, accessibility, and the disempowerment of women and girls reinforced the alreadypresent inequality. Despite the fact that it is advertised as a strategy to combat poverty (Bigirwa, 2018), large-scale farms have resulted in food insecurity, relocation, and deforestation, all of which disproportionately affect women, children, and other underprivileged groups.
The Dayak Hibun community in Indonesia's West Kalimantan region provides another excellent illustration of gendered dispossession brought on by monocrop oil-palm development (Julia & White, 2012). It illustrates how indigenous women's status and way of life have been negatively impacted by the expanding corporate plantation and contract farming system in this already patriarchal culture. Due to the transfer of land ownership from the community to the state and the implementation of the "family head" system for smallholder plot registration, women's land rights have been reduced and they are now seen as a class of plantation labor. We can observe a recurring pattern of ambivalence between the allures of consistent cash flow and, on the other hand, the loss of resource tenure and independence while this is happening, as in other instances of agricultural corporate commodity production development, which aids in explaining the community's gendered experiences of coercion, exploitation, intimidation, consent, and resistance.
Notably, 13 publications in this category only employ the qualitative research paradigm. According to every study, women were the community groups most affected by the changes brought on by large-scale land deals for commercial state farms (Behrman et al., 2012;Vandergeest, 2003). It was noted that commercial oil palm growth has gender-based effects on Bugala Island in Uganda, where extensive oil palm development was taking place (Terminski, 2012). The study's conclusions pointed out the underdevelopment of women in five areas: loss of land rights, loss of productive resources, family work, employment, and decision-making.

Irrigation schemes and channels
By classifying the variable 'gender', the few sized four (4.1%) articles in this category that use both qualitative and quantitative methods tend to oversimplify explanations of the gendered effects of displacement caused by irrigation schemes. The study by Srinivasan and Nuthalapati (2020) uses a sizable primary dataset from 1,070 impacted families in four irrigation projects along the Godavari River Basin in Andhra Pradesh, India, is a case in point. The results of this study identified the gender as a significant variable in explaining that being female had strong and positive association with exposure to risk, such as loss of land, casualization of labor, and loss of livestock assets in the resettlement process, in conjunction with other household characteristics.
However, despite careful data collection and in-depth analysis, the reviewed studies fall short of shedding light on the actual experiences of displaced women. Therefore, it is strongly advised that additional in-depth investigations be conducted. Resettlement is described as a dynamic process, and it has a variety of effects on seemingly homogeneous communities and households. It is suggested that in order to fully compensate, it is necessary to understand these effects. As a diverse group, women seek particular consideration and attention during processes involving expropriation and resettlement brought on by development.

Major Risks and Impoverishment for Women
Through a review of recent literature, it was determined how many negative effects might be brought on by the displacement of women by development projects. The key risks or pressures associated with relocation and displacement for women are covered in the following subsections.

Lack of access to land, housing, and employment
Women have historically not been allowed to inherit or own property in the developing world, either by the law or by custom (Borsuk, 2021). Women who do not own land are more dependent, vulnerable, and at risk of being left out of the decision-making process during displacement because, in most circumstances, one's 'ownership' of land determines one's entitlement to compensation.
Land is directly related to worries about losing a way of life. People, their means of subsistence, and where they live are all under the control of an intricate system that has existed for a very long time. Often, the foundation of this system is the land; if the land is taken away, the system will collapse, resulting in unemployment and homelessness. As a result, this system is directly impacted by displacement. In developing nations, the natural resources of the land are the primary source of income for rural residents. More than 60% of the studies we looked at suggested that resource access was lost due to development-induced displacement, and that women were frequently compelled to relocate and look for new resources in order to establish new subsistence patterns.
The full transfer of land ownership to men in this case has a greater impact on women, even if both sexes are disenfranchised within the new society. Amid the stress of relocation, the traditional reproductive gender roles that women must fulfill weigh heavily on them. The practical and strategic needs of women in the resettled environment were not considered. In addition, the patriarchal system of land distribution marginalizes women within the family.

Marginalization
Put simply, marginalization is the practice of keeping (someone) in a position of weakness or insignificance within a society or organization (Cernea, 1996). When the land to be taken over is condemned and further development is banned, the women who are resettled begin to be marginalized in the sense of displacement. Therefore, due to the problems arising in the native community where displaced households are relocated, marginalization continues with displacement and may not even end with resettlement (Mehta, 2009). Verified studies show that the development induced persons (DPs) and the project affected persons (PAPs) are poor and marginalized. The dimensions class and gender are also present. The lower classes include the majority of DP/PAPs. Loss of income further disadvantages them, but even among them, women suffer more than men (Fernandes, 2007).

Losing access to public property
People who are displaced are taken out of their former living and working environments. Rural residents rely on shared resources including village tanks, rivers, woodlands, and meadows for the majority of their daily needs and livelihoods. They typically have unrestricted access to all of these shared resources. Relocation, however, results in altered access to communal assets, creating a challenging situation for daily life and livelihoods.
For example, Bisht (2009) found that autonomous, unmarried women could only obtain land and other resources if a project required relocation, or after a certain age. Women's ability to provide non-monetary economic support to the household is reduced when they are denied access to resources owned by the community (Asthana, 2012;Kusakabe et al., 2015;Lin, 2006;Srinivasan & Nuthalapati, 2020;Thukral, 1996). Alternatively, as the common resources of the resettlement areas may be further away, collecting wood etc. may take more time (Kusakabe et al., 2015). Because they are often less mobile than men or because existing training programs are not specifically tailored to women's needs, women often have difficulty accessing the same employment opportunities as men (Jehom, 2013;Tan, 2008;Tan et al., 2005). Tan (2008) discovered that women who moved to China faced difficulties in finding work in the non-agricultural sector after resettlement.

Lack of social cohesion
Typically, links exist between individuals, families, or socially constructed groupings within a village or particular community. The current pattern of social cohesion and integrity is breaking down as a result of displacement. Since resettlement leads to the creation of a new social structure with aspects of a vanished society, the problem may then increase further. Furthermore, displacement brings with it a range of social problems, including the dissolution of family structures and the disruption of labor markets, the loss of cultural identities, the dismantling of production systems, and the dissolution of local voluntary associations and mutual aid. Loss of reputation, goodwill and recognition can result from this decomposition, which ultimately has many psychological effects. Empirical research shows that post-relocation women show much lower levels of social cohesion and participation in political decision-making, community institutions and the labor market than their male counterparts, while men typically show greater solidarity (Bigirwa, 2018).

Decision-making capacity is lost
We contend that gender and socioeconomic inequality outcomes have been significantly influenced by the reality of power, allowing men to reinvent their masculinity to perpetuate stereotypes of male superiority and female servitude (Sikka, 2020;Sikka & Carol, 2021;Sikka & Mathur, 2018). In none of the above situations did women have decision-making powers when it came to project planning or negotiations.
The best example here is the case of India and Malasia (Sikka & Mathur, 2018), where two crucial themes are highlighted: (i) land/resources of households and communities, and compensation and rehabilitation processes to illustrate how gender roles, especially masculinity and men's roles, are changing have to analyze in dam shifts in both countries and (ii) the consequences for women, family, life and gender relations.

Differential labor division
During the review process, it was found that women's experiences of dispossession varied in a number of aspects. The gendered division of labor seems to be most dramatically affected by the effects of dispossession, which can be understood along at least two axes. The first is the type of economic activity driving dispossession and whether it employs the labor of dispossessed women. For the vast majority of large dam and hydropower projects, evictions resulted in little or no employment for women (Bisht, 2009;Jayasiri et al., 2018;Thukral, 1996). The women's labor was partially incorporated into the resulting project in large-scale agricultural scenarios such as oil palm plantations in Indonesia and rice cultivation in the Gambia (Terminski, 2012). This was particularly true of the Gambia project, where women had to be denied legal access to land in order to recruit their labor force into dual-culture (household) rice production (Carney, 1998;Carney & Watts, 1990). Women perceived this increase in working hours as an increase in domestic exploitation after losing their individual land rights. The situation in Indonesia was grimmer; While some women worked on the plantations for money, this was limited and paid less than the men. Second, for women of different classes and castes, the evictions led to different shifts in the distribution of domestic labor. This was particularly evident in our Indian examples, where we saw a striking difference in outcomes for upper and lower caste women (K, 2019). Lower caste women were often proletarianized and forced to find work even though the projects themselves could not employ them. This was in contrast to upper caste men who enslaved women further into the home due to the loss of farmland. This underscores the importance of looking at the intersections of caste, class and gender when determining how land grabbing affects people. The plantations were limited and paid less than men.

CONCLUSIONS
The link between gender and developmental displacement in the Global South has received little attention in the literature, so this systematic search and study fills that gap. In particular, dams and hydropower projects, which are the main drivers of evictions and displacement, have been identified as important areas for further research, but the studies tend to focus on a small number of countries. Rather than improving the well-being of local communities, resource extraction leads to increased displacement, environmental degradation and a deterioration in the living conditions of marginalized groups, particularly women. Most of the empirical studies we looked at provided results disaggregated by gender and provided examples of what women went through after being resettled.
This review found that DIDs policies and socio-cultural community structures and practices significantly exacerbate women's poverty and inequalities. However, there are relatively few publications that conduct gender and intersectional analysis, and there is a limited understanding of gender as a socially constructed, nuanced, and contextspecific reality that is intimately linked to DID and related resettlement.

The Policy Insights
The most important question that must be asked in this situation is what political and political implications we should draw from these findings. First, it is important to recognize that in all of the DIDs expropriations considered here, women in particular suffered more severe impacts than men, although men suffered as well. In virtually every case and issue, the masses of men benefited greatly from the initiatives that led to the division of their country. Since this would equate proletarianization and poverty, the solution cannot be as simple as gender equality in relation to dispossession.
The concept of "development" is political rather than technical, and utilitarian calculations frequently used to support eviction for significant capital projects raise the issue of rights and distributive fairness. The other question that needs to be asked is, "Who defines development and who gets to use the state to redistribute society's resources?" This methodical search and analysis emphasize the importance of maintaining specific, democratically determined definitions of the "public good" and/or "the commons," restricting forcible acquisition to public projects with significant benefits for women and poor households and requiring "prior and informed consent" as a requirement for private projects that need land.
It should go without saying that such consent should be obtained from all members of the impacted populations (including those without formal land rights), rather than just "household heads," who are typically men in most situations. Additionally, doing so would ensure that only initiatives from which women could anticipate profit would advance. By prioritizing gender issues, communities of men, women, and children as well as the government and private investors benefit.
More gender equality may lead to higher agricultural productivity and more significant declines in poverty. Diverse players from many different backgrounds must work together to create an environment that has the potential for gender parity in order to reap these advantages.